
Hillary meeting with Chinese State Councilor Dai.
Perhaps the United States is finally willing to accept China and its internal policies for what they really represent: a deeply ingrained belief in Chinese culture that the people of China require — perhaps even desire — a heavy governmental hand to provide order, direction, and purpose. Anyone familiar with Chinese history understands this.
It appears that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and the Obama Administration “get it.” In her remarks at the conclusion of the U.S. – China Strategic and Economic Dialogue, Hillary made only passing mention of U.S. concerns about China’s human rights practices. Saying they had a “candid and respectful” discussion, the Secretary made no other mention of the topic and instead focused on the meeting’s accomplishments in areas such as trade, military cooperation, climate change, and in dealing with world “hot spots” such as Iran and North Korea.

Hillary at U.S. - China Strategic and Economic Dialogue.
Downplaying the human rights issue has upset both conservatives and liberals in the U.S. But I think Hillary and Obama have it right. Whatever changes China makes in this area will come from within, not from U.S. or international pressure. Such pressure has never worked in the past and it won’t now.
Here’s the text of what Hillary had to say in her closing remarks:
Good afternoon. We have just finished a very thorough, intense, and productive two days. Secretary Geithner and I were honored to co-chair the Strategic and Economic Dialogue, and we have been delighted to host Vice Premier Wang and State Councilor Dai and the entire Chinese delegation.
What has taken place over the past two days is unprecedented in U.S.-China relations. The meetings we have just concluded represent the largest gathering ever of top leaders from our two countries. The range of issues covered was unparalleled. And the result is that we have laid the foundation for a positive, cooperative and comprehensive relationship for the 21st century.
Our governments released a joint statement summarizing our discussions. During our meetings, we spoke candidly about some of the world’s most difficult challenges. We agreed that further cooperation and action is needed to achieve global economic recovery, to promote stability in Northeast Asia, resume the Six-Party Talks, and implement UN Security Council Resolution 1874 to address ongoing threats of violent extremism and nuclear proliferation, to encourage Iran to live up to its international obligations, and to work toward peace and stability in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the Middle East.
We made progress in working toward the global nuclear security summit that President Obama has called for next spring. And I’m pleased to announce that we will be conducting U.S.-China talks on counter-terrorism this fall. We agreed to a continuation and expansion of our military-to-military relations and to robust educational, cultural, scientific, and people-to-people diplomacy.
For our part, the United States was proud to reaffirm our participation in the Shanghai World Expo next year. And later this evening, we and our Chinese colleagues will participate in a dinner of American business leaders and citizens supporting that effort. In areas where we do not always agree, such as human rights, we had candid and respectful exchanges.
We also today, representing the world’s two biggest producers and consumers of energy, completed a memorandum of understanding to enhance cooperation on climate change, energy, and the environment. This MOU affirmed our commitment to reaching a successful international agreement on climate change and will expand our cooperation to accelerate the transition to a sustainable, low-carbon economy.
These are just a few of the concrete discussions and achievements of this first Strategic and Economic Dialogue. It represents 30 years of progress, because in many ways, we are building on the work that has gone before and taking it to a new level. But sometimes, the most telling measures of progress are less tangible. Over the past two days, State Councilor Dai and I have spent many hours in discussion. We’ve had the opportunity to meet privately and to talk very openly between ourselves to try to understand each other’s point of view. And I know the same is true for Secretary Geithner and Vice Premier Wang.
Our delegations have spent hours in consultation and negotiation, and we’ve not been limited to just the usual topic or two. We’ve enlisted partners from across our government to work across departments and bureaus and agencies to tackle these difficult challenges that we are facing together. Climate change and energy security, for example, is an economic issue, a diplomatic issue, a development issue, an energy issue, an environmental issue, an agricultural issue, and a national security issue all rolled into one. And so it must be addressed in its full complexity. We have made a good start on that and we look forward to continuing it in the future.
This dialogue has established a new pattern of cooperation between our governments and a forum for discussion. It’s begun to develop a structure for moving forward on this range of issues. Now we know there’s a lot of work ahead, but we began this process at the beginning of the Obama Administration for a purpose, because we knew it would take time and effort and patience, and we are willing and eager to continue.
Sunday night, the state councilor and I and a few of our aides were having dinner, and in the course of what was a very relaxed and social occasion, we were discussing our families. And State Councilor Dai informed us that he had a new grandson. As we began talking, we realized that all that we were doing was really on behalf of our children and our grandchildren. I said that perhaps at the beginning of every government dialogue, we should all take out pictures of our children and our grandchildren and put them on the tables in front of us to be reminded of what was at stake in our high-level negotiations. As State Councilor Dai said, those photos would remind us of the task ahead and of our responsibility to move forward and of the future we are trying to build.
We just finished meeting with President Obama and he expressed his appreciation to President Hu for working to set forth this dialogue, starting at their meeting in London. We are committed to taking the next steps on this journey together. And I thank our Chinese colleagues for a very important beginning. It is now my privilege to introduce Secretary Tim Geithner.
A few days ago I wondered aloud if the Obama Administration was tilting in favor of China at the expense of our relationship with India.
There were indications, some said, that the U.S. had designs on the world stage in which India would play a secondary role. I ended my comments by suggesting the Hillary’s trip to India would answer the question: was the U.S. dumping India for Beijing? The trip has answered the question — at least partially.
In response to a reporter’s question during a joint appearance with her Indian counterpart, Minister of External Affairs S.M. Krishna, Madam Secretary reassured India that our two countries have a special bond because we are both democracies. At the same time, she emphasized that U.S. foreign policy is global in nature. We have vital interests and issues to discuss with both China and Pakistan (another historical Indian rival).
While India seems profoundly snippy about any hint of American “meddling” in their affairs — carbon emissions and nuclear exports being two especially sensitive areas — the question posed to Hillary suggests a continuing, underlying sense of national inferiority and insecurity.
Here’s an excerpt from yesterday’s appearance –
QUESTION: Yeah. First up, I wanted to ask you, ma’am, that as far as Bush Administration was concerned and now the new Obama Administration is concerned, we have seen that there is a sense of feeling that this new Administration is more concerned and inclined toward deepening the relationship with Pakistan and – China and Pakistan. What are your comments on that?
SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, my comments – if I don’t choke – are that we have demonstrated very clearly the significance and importance of our relationship with India. We entered into this relationship to broaden and deepen it as partners already on the world stage. And what we have outlined today will be a significant expansion of our bilateral relationship. We also have a very important set of issues that we are pursuing with Pakistan, with China, and with many other countries around the world.
But I don’t think you can understate the significance of our relationship as two democracies. We understand the difficulties of decision making in democracies. And we respect the vibrancy of each other’s democracy. That is a much stronger base for a relationship than any other in the world, because it is democracies that are able to expand an understanding of common interests and show mutual respect, and that is what is at the core of our broadening relationship between us.
So yes, of course, we have relations with other countries. The United States is called upon to act globally every single hour of every single day. But as the invitation to Prime Minister Singh’s first state visit in the Obama Administration demonstrates, we are very committed to this relationship.
With Secretary of State Hillary Clinton about to embark on a seven-day trip to India and Thailand, there is some speculation that the Delhi visit is only for show, a trip “full of sound and fury, signifying nothing,” as one blogger described it.
According to a State Department press release, Hillary “will meet with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and with External Affairs Minister Krishna. The Secretary and Minister Krishna will discuss the structure and elements of an enhanced U.S.-India strategic partnership that will enable us to advance solutions to the defining challenges of our time and to enhance global prosperity and stability in the 21st century. ”
While that sounds impressive enough, not everyone is convinced that the U.S – India “strategic partnership” is more than a U.S. ploy to get non-aligned India to purchase near-obsolete American fighters.
The US-Bharti (India) relationship is on the decline and Delhi knows this. Delhi has been sacrificed on the alter of the Sino-American relationship. Even so both countries will be putting a good face on the short lived friendship. There will be a lot of smiles, and a plenty of photo-ops. There will be huge references to the Nuclear deal and a lot of talking about the sale of stripped down versions of discarded US planes–in essence a lot of fluff and no substance.
According to the Rupee News, evidence that U.S. – India relations are on the decline includes:
1) The US “dumped” India at the G-8 summit by imposing severe restriction on the export of nuclear material to countries that have not signed the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty.
2) Hillary’s first trip was to China and did not include a visit to India.
3) The U.S. no longer sees India as a counterweight to China. Many believe that Hillary is the architect of a much closer relationship with Beijing.
4) Although India is still upset about the attack at Mumbai, “the rest of the world has taken a big yawn on the subject.”
5) The US has tripled its aid package to Pakistan, India’s rival in the region.
All this conjecture about “dumping Delhi,” of course, must be seen in the context of Hillary’s long-standing pro-India sentiments. Calling India “Hillary Clinton’s Darling,” think-tank director and blogger Dr. A. Prabaharan believes that no one is better suited to take U.S. – India relations to “the next level.”
In the last 62 years of India-US relations, no US secretary of state had credentials anywhere comparable to Hillary Clinton’s in the matter of promoting the bilateral partnership. As senator, she co-founded and co-chaired the India caucus. She has visited India more than once. She has a constituency among Indian-Americans, most of whom supported, electorally and financially, her candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination.
According to Dr. Prabaharan, Hillary’s visit will “help build stage III of the relationship, with India as a key partner helping America shape the 21st century. The earlier two stages were, according to her, the Cold War years and the post-Cold War period up to the end of the Bush administration and the India-US nuclear deal. She proposes to build ties on four natural platforms: global security, human development, economic activity and science and technology.”
In a few days we will have a better sense of who is right in this argument: the “dumping Delhi” faction or the “Hillary’s Darling” group.
Stay tuned.